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<title>Towards An All India Tribal Demands Day, November 18</title>
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<h1 align="center"><font color="#000000"><font FACE="Comic Sans MS" size="7"> </font><img border="0" src="../../sickle_s.gif" width="56" height="46"><font FACE="Comic Sans MS" size="7">
People's Democracy</font></font></h1>
<font SIZE="+2" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Brush Script MT">
<p align="center"></font><font color="#FF0000" face="Book Antiqua" size="3">(<strong>Weekly
Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)</strong></font>
<hr>
</td>
<td width="134" height="74"><strong><font face="Comic Sans MS" size="2" color="#FF0000">Vol.
XXIX</font></strong>
<p><strong><font face="Comic Sans MS" size="2" color="#FF0000">No. 45</font></strong></p>
<p><strong><font face="Comic Sans MS" size="2" color="#FF0000">November 06,
2005</font></strong></p>
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<p class="Bodytext" align="center" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Towards
An All India Tribal Demands Day, November 18</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" align="center" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0"> </p>
<p class="Bodytext" align="right" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Kumar
Shiralkar</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" align="right" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">THE
CPI(M) has given a call to observe November 18 as an All India Demands Day to
press the UPA government to place the Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest
Rights) Bill 2005 in the coming winter session of parliament with appropriate
amendments, undoing the "historical injustice" faced by crores of tribals in
India since the colonial period. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
CPI(M) and the Left have been demanding that the Scheduled Tribes (Recognition
of Forest Rights) Bill 2005 be placed in the parliament without any delay. The
Common Minimum Programme of the UPA government states, "UPA government will
immediately review the overall strategy and programmes for the development of
tribal areas to plug loopholes and to work out more viable livelihood
strategies." Prime minister Mr Manmohan Singh promised to implement this pledge
in his Independence Day speach. But the bill was not placed in parliament during
monsoon season, due to pressure from anti-tribal conservationist lobby of the
forest landlords. Recently, when the PM called a meeting to discuss the bill,
the ministry of environment and forests (MoEF) came with a new draft which
dilutes the provisions made for tribals’ rights. We have to resist such
dangerous moves and press for presentation of the bill, incorporating
appropriate amendments suggested by the CPI(M) and the Left. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">THE
STATE OF TRIBAL PEOPLE</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">There
are 26 states with 187 tribal districts in which 8.5 crore tribals (8.20 per
cent of the country's total population), consisting of approximately about 1.6
crore tribal families, are residing. The male and female ST populations are 4.31
crore and 4.19 crore respectively. At present only 9 states, namely Andhra
Pradesh, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh,
Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Rajasthan, have scheduled areas notified. Out of 8.5
crore tribals, 5 crore are staying in these scheduled areas in 9 states.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The NSS
estimates show 47 per cent make a living from wage employment as rural labour.
Of the 46 per cent rural tribal households who earn a major share of their
livelihood from self-employment, 44 per cent derive their livelihood from
farming and hardly 2 per cent have access to non-agricultural self-employment.
Other occupations like hunting and food gathering are insignificant. Tribals’
lands are generally slopy, at places rocky, with a thin soil cover and without
irrigation facilities. Often it is less fertile. Most of the tribal groups
occupy hilly and plateau tracts where soils are usually of poor quality and
run-off rate rainfall is usually high. A large majority of them cannot afford
modern inputs and technology. These factors converge to low productivity in
tribal areas.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">This
picture indicates the prime importance of land for tribals --- directly as
cultivators and indirectly as agricultural labourers. Land is their mainstay.
</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">To meet
the demand for land to tribals, the central question is of an effective
implementation of land reforms and of ensuring distribution of surplus land
among the landless adivasi families. About 5 lakh tribal families have benefited
by the surplus land distribution under the Left Front government of West Bengal.
In Tripura, almost all the alienated land has been restored to tribals under the
Left Front government. In addition, more tribal families have benefited due to
land reform measures. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">One may
look at the following data, as on March 31, 2002, given by the directorate of
land reforms, ministry of rural development:</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Area
distributed to total beneficiaries: 53.90 lakh acres.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Area
allotted to ST beneficiaries: 7.79 lakh acres.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Total
number of beneficiaries: 56.47 lakhs.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Number
of ST beneficiaries: 8.30 lakhs.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">NEW
POLICY FOSTERS LAND ALIENATION</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
fifth and sixth schedules of the constitution prohibit the transfer of land from
tribal to non-tribal people in order to prevent the alienation of tribal lands.
The Supreme Court has also prevented such transfers. But large-scale transfer of
tribal land is going on. This alienation of tribal land has taken a long sweep
since the liberalisation policies were adopted by the successive governments.
The moves to amend the fifth schedule and structure forest management projects
in order to include the interests of large private firms like the Indian Tobacco
Company in Andhra Pradesh brings this issue to the top of the agenda. The
Jindals procured tribal land trough <i>benami</i> transactions in Chhattisgadh
for their steel plant. The Sahara Housing Limited grabbed 3760 acres, in Rune in
Maharashtra for a tourism project, part of which is the forestland belonging to
tribals.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">
Notwithstanding the laws for restoration of alienated lands to tribals for
decades, the poor implementation of these laws, legal loopholes and the corrupt
nexus of rural rich and bureaucrats have deprived the adivasis from proper
restoration, and illegal transfer of their land continues. The number of cases
of alienated tribal land in Indian courts is 3,75,164, covering about 8,55,282
acres. Of these, the cases disposed are 3,17,643; those decided in favour of
tribals are 1,62,650 and those in which land was restored to tribals are
1,58,297, covering 4,33,133 acres. The cases pending in courts are 57,521
covering 1,43,961 acres. It shows that courts disposed half the cases in favour
of non-tribal, influential rural rich, depriving 1,54,993 tribal families. These
non-tribal moneylenders still possess 5,07,454 acres of the grabbed land. </span>
</p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
"Declaration" of the CPI(M)’s All India Tribal Convention at Ranchi says, "Adivasis
have a traditional and organic link with the forest and its produce. The Forest
Act and its latest version, the Forest Conservation (Amendment) Act, 1988 treat
the adivasis as encroachers and interlopers in the forest instead of being the
integral part of it. The disappearance of the forest and the degeneration of the
green cover are not due to tribals, but due to the corrupt nexus of the
contractors-mafias-forest officials-ruling class politicians and as inexorable
feature of capitalist development. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">"The
deprivation of access to the forest and its produce, the tyrannical rule of the
forest guards-bureaucratic nexus has deprived the tribals of their food,
habitat, traditional way of life with serious social and cultural consequences."</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">
ERRONEOUS THINKING</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Tribals
have been living in forests since ages, both having a mutual symbiotic
relationship. Yet, an erroneous view prevails that such tribals must be regarded
as encroachers. All the Forest Acts and Wildlife Acts of 1927, 1972, 1980 etc
looked upon them as outside poachers and encroachers, and the threat of eviction
consistently looms large before them. Insecurity of tenure and fear of eviction
>from these lands and forests makes them a vulnerable lot. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">
Nevertheless, state governments took steps after independence to make allotment
of forestlands to tribals in occupation for some generations. The process was
continuing when the Forest (Conservation) Act of October 1980 halted it
abruptly. Entirely laudatory in its objective to check further depletion of
forest cover, the act left in the lurch such tribal families whose occupation
had not been regularised. To it, "encroachers" mean people who were residing in
designated reserved forest and protected areas after 1980 and whose holdings
were not regularised till then. The uncertainty lasted for a decade, till the
MoEF issued comprehensive orders in 1990 to regularise the cases of eligible
occupants, settle disputed claims over forestland arising out of forest
settlement, settle disputes regarding pattas/leases/grants involving forestland,
eliminate intermediaries, ensure the payment of fair wages, and convert forest
villages into revenue villages, etc. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">In 1995,
the Supreme Court directed the state governments to decide the people’s claims
in the light of these government instructions. But before any significant action
could commence, there came a case related to encroachments on extensive
forestlands by avaricious planters for quick gains, and the Supreme Court passed
orders for clearing the forests forthwith of all encroachments. Unwittingly, the
axe fell on the simple, artless, voiceless and defenceless tribals, most of whom
have genuine claims. That uncertainty and suspense over the life and liberty of
millions of forest dwelling and forest-fringe citizens should continue for
decades, is clearly unacceptable in a democratic set-up.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">On May
2002, the then NDA government issued an order directing the states to destroy
the tribal houses and crops on the so-called “encroachments” in forest areas, in
compliance with the Forest Conservation Act of 1980. The Left Front governments
of West Bengal and Tripura outright refused to follow this circular. But the
bourgeois landlord governments in other states launched a merciless assault on
tribals, destroying their houses and crops. Such tribals as were organised under
the CPI(M) and the Left fought and succeeded in saving their crops and houses.
On February 5, 2004, the government issued orders that recognised “rights of the
tribals till 31.12.1993." However, the SC order of February 23, 2004 stayed it.
Though the MoEF applied for vacation of this order in July 2004, the case is
still pending in the court.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">INHUMAN
& BAD ECONOMICS</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">It is
estimated that about 15 per cent of the tribals have been evicted from their
land due to industrial and developmental projects in the post-independence
period, still lacking proper rehabilitation, compensation and jobs. Various
unscrupulous methods were adopted to deprive them. Both foreign and Indian
monopolies have embarked on penetration in mineral rich tribal areas, following
large-scale privatisation and dismantling of public sector. Displacement of
tribals is taking place through police brutality and repression. These and
non-adherence to the Samta judgement for the fifth schedule areas are some of
the features of tribal exploitation due to liberalisation policies.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">In
addition to the loss of agricultural land and habitats, tribals have also been
losing forestland. According to one estimate, while 187 tribal districts in the
country span 33.6 per cent of the total geographical area of the country, the
forest cover therein constitutes 60 per cent of the country’s total forest. Thus
tribal areas provide the bulk of forest cover. There are uncultivable and
degraded cultivable lands elsewhere in non-tribal areas, which demand urgent
forest cover, both from the production and ecological angles. Pushing the
tribals out of forests for further forestry operations therein is not only
inhuman but bad economics.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Compared
to the total forest area of 6.8 crore hectares, tribals and other poor occupy
approximately 2 per cent. Dereserving this area, dispersed in thousands of
forest blocks, is therefore no likely to have any adverse effect of the
environment. But it will have a salutary impact on the disturbed situation in
tribal areas, bringing in long awaited justice, peace and satisfaction.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">CPI(M)’S
STAND</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
CPI(M) opposes the policy drive of imperialist globalisation and privatisation
to hand over large tracts of land to the multinationals. But the MoEF, which
attacks and evicts adivasis mercilessly, has regularised the illegal diversion
of 1,224 hectares of forestland to 17 mining companies in Orissa during the last
5 years. In contrast, in the entire state of Orissa, the total area
“encroachment” by poor tribals, regularised since October 1980, comes to a grand
29 hectares!</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">Thus the
historic injustice continues. The only way to ensure justice to the tribals is
to pass the ST Bill 2005 immediately. While welcoming the introduction of the
bill we demand that the following amendments be incorporated in the proposed
bill.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">1) The
cut-off date of October 25, 1980 for recognising the rights of tribals dwelling
in forests is contradictory to the very objective and purpose mentioned in the
bill’s preamble. This injustice continued even after 1980. The date was not laid
down by any logical law but by the 1990 guidelines. Therefore, those tribal
families who are cultivating the forestland for their bonafide livelihood needs
must be vested with rights over their lands even though they might have occupied
the land after October 25, 1980. The cut-off date should be based only on the
main criterion of genuine livelihood needs of tribal family till the act comes
in force. If the 1980 deadline is not removed from the proposed bill, it will
pave the way for huge evictions of the tribal people. Rather than distinguishing
between pre-1980 and post-1980 "encroachments," the proposed bill must
distinguish between livelihood needs and encroachments for commercial purposes.
Each should have a different set of guidelines and the FCA 1980 amended
accordingly. Large non-tribal landholdings of <i>benami</i> encroachments should
be summarily evicted. The process by which the date is decided is important. In
any case the decision making has to be democratic, giving rights to the tribal
people in tune with the existing ground level factual data. The 2001 census can
be the cut-off date.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">UNJUST
CEILING</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">2) The
landholding limit of 2.5 hectares per family is unscientific, unjust and
discriminative. It does not take into account the any quality of land, the
rainfall, the crop pattern, the environmental conditions and the geological
situations. Why the tribals should have a ceiling limit of 2.5 hectares when the
limit for non-adivasis’ agricultural lands is more than this? Tribal families in
many areas are joint families and cultivate their lands jointly. Some of the
tribal families have more than 15 members. The provision of vesting rights of
forestland by giving joint <i>pattas</i> to the male and female members of a
family is a progressive step. But the same rights on minor forest produce should
also be included for women members also. The bill does not give the clear-cut
definition of nuclear family. This will create confusion. So this 2.5 hectare
ceiling limit must be removed and land should be regularised for every existing
real tribal family on “as is where is” basis. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">3) The
bill recognises Gram Sabha as one of the authorities for recognising and vesting
of such rights to tribals. The Draft Rules, Chapter IV, says that "Gram Sabha
shall be the village assembly - - - at the village level." But the tribal
families residing in interior hilly areas are living scattered and their Gram
Panchayats are also joint Gram Panchayats consisting of many villages, with <i>
padas</i> (hamlets) spread over large inaccessible areas. So <i>pada</i> (small
habitation) and not the village must be the unit of authority.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">4) The
written land records with the Forest Department are faulty, inaccurate and
inadequate. In many cases there is no written proof or evidence with tribal
families. The Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission recommends: "To
facilitate and expedite the solution of the so-called encroachments, the
procedure adopted by the government of Maharashtra in the revenue and forest
departments Decision No. Sankirn 2002/372/J-1 dated 10 October 2002 - - - for
regularisation of "encroachments" on forest lands, are commended for adoption -
- -." To verify claims for regularisation of "encroachments" on forestlands, <i>
the affidavit of the claimant tribal family</i> should be taken as evidence and
the ground level factual data should be taken as final proof. Similarly, all
settlements, whether recorded or not, should be included under the bill’s scope
if they are found within a designated forest area till the date the proposed act
comes into effect.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">5) The
lands occupied by tribal families, or allotted by the forest department itself
previously but forcefully snatched again by the forest department or Forest
Development Corporation for plantations, should also be covered under this bill.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">
COMMUNITY PROPERTY RIGHTS</span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">6) A
section 2(I) should be introduced to define "community property right" as forest
areas under the jurisdiction of Gram Panchayats or autonomous district councils
under the sixth schedule, or forestlands referred to as community forests in
specific states like Orissa, Himachal and others. It will also refer to "village
forests" under section 28 of the Indian Forest Act 1927, and "community
reserves" defined under section 36 C of Wildlife Protection Act, 2002.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">7)
Section 15 should be amended to make clear that, once notified, this act shall
prevail in case it comes into conflict with other acts.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">8) “The
forest right of a person who has committed an offence shall be derecognised."
This penal provision of derecognition against holders of forest rights is quite
harsh and unjust. No act, including the Indian Penal Code, gives power to any
authority to derecognise the rights of any person committing an offence. Why,
then, must the tribals be punished by such action? So this provision must be
removed. There are many other provisions to punish a guilty person.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">9) A new
section should be introduced on the state’s responsibility towards forest
dwellers, with the following provisions. The central government shall be
responsible for protection of all forest rights vested in forest dwelling
tribals from <i>benami</i> transactions by corporate houses, big landholders and
powerful land grabbers within and outside the village. In order to meet the
obligation under 5 A(1) the centre must delegate powers to the state level
monitoring committees. All big developmental projects must have the prior
consent of the Gram Sabha before they are given approval of the central advisory
committee. The centre must have an obligation to ensure that all forest right
holders have access to basic amenities and inputs required for sustainable land
and forest use. It must be liable to pay adequate compensation and ensure a
satisfactory relocation package for those tribals and other poor people who are
evicted once the procedure of verification and settlement is over under Section
4(7) of this act.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">10) The
bill must clarify the Gram Sabha’s powers. Forests are considered state property
under the IFA 1927. On what basis will a Gram Sabha get the authority to
administer such an area unless the act is amended? The PESA 1996 includes only
'minor forest produce' as a subject under the control of the Gram Sabha and not
"forest areas." The government needs also to decide how it will treat the sixth
schedule areas. A section needs to be introduced on the powers and authority of
district councils by reviewing the sixth schedule provisions.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">11) The
bill vests in the tribal people the right to collect, utilise or transfer minor
forest produce. This means tribals can sell this produce for their bonafide
livelihood needs. The proposed legislation should contain some provision to
protect them tribal people from exploitation by vested interests like traders,
contractors, industrialists and land mafias.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">12) The
proposed bill covers only forest dwelling scheduled tribes, excluding those
living outside but intrinsically dependent on forests for their livelihood. As
many as a third of the scheduled tribes and landless labourers are dependent on
forests for subsistence; forests also provide them important supplementary
occupations. Thus the proposed act, as it stands today, will not only create new
conflicts in the process of settlement of rights but also pave the way for more
<i>benami</i> transactions between those who are eligible for rights and those
who are not. To avoid this, the bill needs some provision in this regard also.
It is necessary to cover traditional forest dwellers under the act but have
strict separate definitions so as to evict the real non-tribal encroachers who
have illegally occupied the tribal land for commercial purposes.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left"><b>
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">WHY
</span><span style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">THE</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">
CPI(M) CAMPAIGN </span></b></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The CMP
of the UPA government pledges to "provide for full equality of opportunity,
particularly in education and employment for scheduled castes and tribes.” The
commitment of the state to provide basic amenities to all tribal people needs to
be reiterated. The government cannot shirk its responsibly for the minimum tasks
in tribal areas and for making adequate fund allocations for education, health
facilities and civil amenities.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
recent judgement of the Ranchi High Court refusing to make any distinction
between the scheduled and non-scheduled Areas is very dangerous, anti-tribal and
against the constitution. The CPI(M) has filed an appeal against this judgement,
in the interests of all adivasis in 5th scheduled areas covering nine states.
</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
bourgeois and semi-feudal values in society have led to a degradation of the
status of the women. Landlords, mafias, contractors and forest guards subject
them to sexual harassment at workplaces. The CPI(M) campaign proposes to take up
these issues too in order to fight against the exploitation of tribal women.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
tribals are faced with the threat of losing their identity as they are losing
their languages and culture. Successive central governments have ignored the
tribal languages. Bureaucratic controlled items of tribal culture are presented
as folk cultures. But we have to preserve and encourage the positive aspects of
tribal culture, particularly their collective and egalitarian ethos. However,
there must also be a fight from within the community against retrograde
practices like witch hunting, depriving women of land, polygamy etc.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The
imperialists are taking advantage of the present situation to forge separatist
and ethnic-based conflicts. Only by strengthening the federal decentralised
set-up with genuine autonomy for minority groups can we fulfil the diverse
aspirations of the tribal mass regarding their identity, language and culture.
</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">The RSS
and its several outfits, who are endangering the unity and integrity of the
country, have stepped up their activities in tribal areas. They are trying to
divide the tribals between Christians and non-Christians, and to impose
Brahminical caste divided Hindutva on tribals. They do not recognise the tribals
as adivasis. To them they are 'Vanvasis' which confines the tribal people solely
to the forests and negates their history. The RSS and its saffron affiliates are
thus against the secular and democratic ethos of this country. </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext"> </span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0" align="left">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Book Antiqua; color: windowtext">We have
to preserve the unity of all tribals and forge unity among the tribal and
non-tribal toiling sections. Struggles against feudal and bourgeois economic
exploitation must be integrated with the struggles being waged by tribals and
other socially oppressed sections. Only this can build real unity of the people
and usher into a new era for the country’s unity and integrity.</span></p>
<p class="Bodytext" style="margin-left: 0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; margin-bottom: .0001pt">
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